Adrian Harris
CEO
Freedom Asset Management Limited
M: +44 7781 40 11 11 // M: +971 585 050 111
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“Ukraine – where now?”, 22/7/24
By Adrian Harris
The Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) published an article on 4/3/22 (about 10 days after the invasion of Ukraine) which looked at how wars end. They wrote that “the window to end violence and find an offramp from the escalating crisis in Ukraine will shrink after the first 30 days.” How right they were. They analyzed data compiled by the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) looking at conflict terminations since 1946, to draw the following conclusions:
War ends (%) |
War lasts (average) |
Outcome |
< 1 month |
8 days |
44% end in a peace agreement or ceasefire |
< 1 year |
|
24% end in a ceasefire |
> 1 year |
Extends over a decade |
Sporadic clashes |
Looking at Russia’s campaigns since 1939, CSIS further analyzed that they have typically been much shorter:
Year |
War |
Duration |
1939 |
Winter war between Soviet Union and Finland |
3 months |
1956 |
Intervention in Hungary |
7 days |
1968 |
Prague Spring |
2 days |
2008 |
Russia-Georgia War |
13 days |
2014 |
Crimea |
Just over a month |
Source: CSIS.org, 4/3/22 “How does it end? What past wars tell us about how to save Ukraine.”
So we can understand that when Putin gave the order to invade Ukraine on 24th February 2022, he genuinely believed that this would be over in 3 days. It also points to the fact that in those early days when it was not working out well for Russia, Russia badly wanted a deal.
Given developments in the US Presidential elections in recent weeks, the increased likelihood of a Trump win, and his stated mission to favour peace negotiations straight away, it is helpful to look at how this might play out.
Let’s start by looking what was allegedly on the table in April 2022 (two months into the war).
The April 2022 “deal”
Russia and Ukraine’s early “deal” in April 2022 at the Istanbul peace negotiations, taken from the communiqué, centred on:
(1) Ukraine remaining permanently neutral and non nuclear,
(2) security guarantees from the UN Security Council (incl Russia), along with Canada, Germany, Israel, Italy, Poland and Turkey, and
(3) the 2 sides seeking to peacefully resolve their dispute over Crimea in the next 10-15 years.
Interestingly, the draft communiqué on the deal did not address borders and sovereignty, which was to be the subject of direct negotiations between Zelensky and Putin sometime later.
Source: BNE Intellinews, 17/4/2024 referencing the work of Samuel Charap and Sergey Radchenko in an article for ‘Foreign Policy”.
Whilst the deal was ultimately rejected in April 2022, it shows that a chastened Putin might have settled for considerably less than where we are now. Who rejected it and why will be the subject of deep historical analysis for many years to come – many blame Boris Johnson, and clearly NATO stood to benefit from a depleted Russian war machine.
Deaths and casualties in war
Whilst the exact numbers of deaths and wounded are impossible to verify, recent estimates from BBC News Russia, put the number of Russian troops killed at 139,000 and the wounded take that number closer to 500,000. The US estimates this later number to be 350,000.
On the Ukrainian side, the estimates are less clear, but the US was estimating 70,000 killed and 120,000 wounded as long as a year ago.
Adapting an uncomfortable Russian saying, “if you cannot win a war with men, win it with more men.” And that is the playbook – Russia can throw more men at this war than Ukraine. Ultimately, Ukraine will run out of men.
What happens in November?
Right now the war has entered a stalemate position. Zelensky said 2 weeks ago that the future of Ukraine depends on November (i.e. the outcome of the US presidential elections).
The talk about what Trump might do is coming from the America First Policy Institute and specifically a paper written by Lt. General (Retired) Keith Kellog and Fred Fleitz and first published on 11th April 2024. Politics aside, it is well worth reading in full:
https://americafirstpolicy.com/issues/america-first-russia-ukraine
Some of the noteworthy elements of the paper are:
- The majority of American people are opposed to sending more military aid to Ukraine
- The war is depleting stocks of weapons in the US/Europe at a rate that cannot be replenished any time soon
- A prolonged war risks deepening the alliance between Russia, China, Iran and North Korea, which cannot be good for global security
- Henry Kissinger stated in his spring 2023 interview with the Economist that it was essential to end the war as soon as possible – and that a peace agreement would involve territorial concessions by both sides
- Putin indicated in late 2023 that he was open to a ceasefire “on the basis of current battle lines”
- Trump proposed in February 2024 that any military aid to Ukraine should come with accountability, i.e. an interest free loan to be repaid after the war is over, which seems to have garnered bipartisan support
The proposal for the change in stance looks like this:
- A formal US policy to seek a ceasefire and negotiated settlement in Ukraine
- The US continues to arm Ukraine to ensure there are no further military advances from Russia
- Future US military aid will require Ukraine to participate in peace talks with Russia
- The US offers to put off NATO membership for Ukraine for an extended period
- Limited sanctions relief would be offered to encourage Russia to come to the table, and
- Full sanctions relief offered when a peace deal is reached that the Ukrainians are willing to sign.
The Kellog/Fleitz article does not come up with all the solutions – like who is going to pay for reconstruction, they suggest a tax on Russian gas exports – but it does give us a sense of what Trump is looking at, and therefore how this might play out.
To anyone who says, but maybe the Europeans will step up where the US is signalling it may soften its support, all you need to do is to look at Afghanistan. Once the US signalled they were leaving, it was all over in 30 days. Putin knows, as do the leaders of the Middle East, that in matters of expensive, long, overseas conflicts, the US is an unreliable ally.
Of course, to many, this makes uncomfortable reading, because it seems to acknowledge that “aggression pays”. But to think only that way would also fail to acknowledge that Ukraine’s hurried rebirth amidst the rapid break-up of the Soviet Union was always going to leave behind some unfinished business.
In future weeks we will explore at what a Kamala Harris Presidency could look like for Ukraine.
Whichever way you look at the outcome, it is likely to be profitable for the defence industry and that is why we have made a small allocation in the Opus Global Freedom Fund to the VanEck Defence ETF.
Adrian Harris